March 19, 2025 – Highlights of the Democrat attacks on Tesla and Elon Musk

In Email/Dossier/Govt Corruption Investigations, Featured Timeline Entries by Katie Weddington

The question of whether blue states are harmed by attacks on Tesla involves several layers—economic, social, and political—since Tesla is a major employer and economic player, particularly in states like California, which lean heavily Democratic (“blue”). Attacks on Tesla refer here to the wave of vandalism, arson, and protests targeting Tesla facilities, vehicles, and infrastructure, as reported widely in early 2025, often linked to Elon Musk’s political role under President Trump.

Economically, blue states like California could face harm if Tesla’s operations are disrupted. Tesla employs 47,000 people directly in California alone (as of 2022, per Tesla’s own reporting), with over 80,000 jobs supported indirectly through suppliers and related industries. The Fremont factory, a key production hub, and other facilities in Palo Alto, Lathrop, and Hawthorne anchor a significant chunk of the state’s clean energy sector. Vandalism—such as the March 18, 2025, arson attack in Las Vegas or repeated incidents in Oregon—doesn’t just damage property; it risks delaying production, raising costs, and deterring investment. If Tesla were to scale back in blue states due to hostility, job losses could hit hard, especially in areas where the company’s $1.6 billion in supplier spending (2021 figures) fuels local economies. California’s gross state product, which grew 16% from 2018-2021, saw Tesla’s contribution rise 42% in the same period, suggesting a disproportionate reliance on the company.

Socially, the attacks reflect and deepen polarization. Blue states, often champions of electric vehicles (EVs) and climate goals, have historically embraced Tesla. California’s EV incentives and market size made it Tesla’s biggest U.S. customer base. But Musk’s alignment with Trump and his leadership of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), which has slashed federal jobs, has flipped sentiment. Protests like “Tesla Takedown” and violent acts—Molotov cocktails in Colorado, gunfire in Oregon—signal a backlash that could alienate Tesla owners and chill EV adoption in these states. Some owners now slap “I bought this before Elon went crazy” stickers on their cars, hinting at a cultural rift. If Tesla becomes a pariah, blue-state residents might pivot to competitors, though none match Tesla’s scale or infrastructure yet.

Politically, the harm is murkier. Blue-state leaders might quietly relish Musk’s woes, given his DOGE role and Trump ties, but they can’t ignore the economic fallout. Tesla’s stock has tanked nearly 48% in 2025 (per ABC News), and while that’s a national issue, blue states with high Tesla ownership—like California or Washington—feel the brand’s tarnish more acutely. Posts on X suggest Tesla drivers in blue areas face more vandalism than in red counties, though this is anecdotal. If attacks persist, blue-state governments might face pressure to crack down, clashing with their base’s anti-Musk fervor.

On the flip side, Tesla’s troubles might not “harm” blue states in a net sense if competitors fill the gap or if red states bear more of the burden. Red states like Texas, where Tesla’s HQ moved in 2021, could lose more if production shifts or stalls. Blue states aren’t uniquely targeted—attacks span Kansas City, Seattle, and Berlin too—but their denser Tesla presence amplifies the stakes.

So, are blue states harmed? Yes, economically and socially, through jobs, costs, and fractured EV culture, though the scale depends on how attacks escalate and whether Tesla retrenches. Politically, it’s a mixed bag—short-term schadenfreude versus long-term headaches. Data’s thin on exact losses so far, but the risk is real where Tesla’s footprint is deepest. (Grok AI, 3/19/2025)